Melvyn Leffler’s new history of the war against Saddam reveals how guilt, fear and hubris led to a fateful military intervention.

Ranging from Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Jefferson to Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, and James Baker, America in the World tells the vibrant story of American diplomacy. 

The U.S. approach toward China now relies on confrontation and accusation. Yet in diplomacy, as in war, the other side gets a vote. On May 22 China will convene two of its annual summits, the National People’s Congress and the Political Consultative Conference. The Communist Party will choreograph messages carefully: The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union casts a long shadow in Beijing, and Covid-19 came close to shaking the party’s legitimacy. In Chinese history, diseases, famines and other natural disasters have foretold the end of dynasties.

"Fire without light, fury without purpose, activity without aim—each of these summarize Mr. Trump’s misadventure in Ukraine," writes Robert Zoellick. "Policy for this president is all about personal politics. He begins with disruption—breaking things—but lacks the patience and attention to rebuild. The U.S. is a powerful, resourceful country with a reservoir of resilience. But Americans cannot afford to dissipate their strengths—and tarnish their purposes—without end."

China isn’t a monolith, former World Bank president Robert B. Zoellick writes, and in order to make headway with China, the United States should also pressure the country’s leadership with non-economic means. A deal that opens up trade would be useful, but the U.S. needs a multifront strategy and continuing engagement with China, not a single transaction. America should coordinate with partners—including reformers in China—to change China’s behavior.