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CAN THE ALLIANCE OF RUSSIA''S DEMOCRATS LAST?
An Insider Perspective on the Union of Right Forces and the
Future of Russian Reforms
Tuesday, June 20, 12:00 - 2:00
The Harvard Faculty Club
BORIS MINTS: Chairman, Union of Right Forces Executive Committee; Head of Union of Right Forces Party-Building Committee; Head of Department of Local Government in Yeltsin Administration 1996-2000, former Deputy Mayor of Ivanovo
IRINA LISITSINA: Fundraising and Financial Specialist, Union of Right Forces Executive Committee
VICTOR SAPOZHNIKOV: International Affairs Specialist, Union of Right Forces Executive Committee
Summary by Emily Van Buskirk
Henry Hale, Research Associate at the Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, introduced the three delegates from the Union of Right Forces (Soyuz Pravych Sil, or SPS). He credited Boris Mints with spearheading the effort to turn SPS from a political organization into a party, and with organizing the SPS bloc during the parliamentary elections in December.
Boris Mints began with a definition of SPS as "a political organization that has a clear and well-defined position on every major issue that is of concern to society." At the core, Mints explained, SPS is founded on the following views: guarding human rights, developing democratic institutions, democratizing the government, increasing the accountability of power structures, and developing a market economy. SPS is represented by such influential individuals as Yegor Gaidar, Anatoly Chubais, Boris Nemtsov, Irina Khakamada, and Sergei Kiriyenko.
While SPS is currently in the process of creating a countrywide party, already 72 out of Russia''s 89 regions have SPS party organizations, Mints explained. Among those SPS representatives are people with experience in the local legislative and administrative branches, both deputies and mayors. With numerous local elections approaching, Mints stated that SPS is actively engaged in selecting the "right people" to support. These elections are essential to the strength and influence of SPS, as Russia''s 13,000 municipalities contain 200,000 elected deputies. Winning would mean SPS would be able to rely on thousands of representatives to carry out its ideas locally. SPS''s strategy for the future is to expand beyond large cities, where it is already strong (having essentially won first place in the parliamentary elections in 1999 in cities with populations over 1 million) into smaller municipalities.
Mints noted that his faction has been carrying out "important work" in the Duma since the December elections. An advantage, he argued, is that SPS occupies key Duma posts, such as Chair of the Legislative Committee (Pavel Krasheninnikov): a post worth the equivalent of 10 others, according to Communist Leader Gennady Zyuganov.
One of SPS''s key new objectives, Mints described, is to come to an agreement with Yabloko to form a joint political organization. After 6 months of working together, "it has become apparent," Mints argued, that "we hold almost identical positions." In addition to Yabloko, SPS has been able to find common ground with other Duma factions, including Fatherland and, to a lesser extent, Unity. Cooperation has been key in bringing about major changes in tax legislation, in work on Chechnya issues, on a law on the budget, on a law to deny parliamentary privileges, and on a law regulating the activities of parties.
Discussion
How is the party financed?
Mints explained that the local SPS offices in the regions do their own financing. He expounded that under the law governing financial activities, political organizations are considered to be public. The limits that exist are not very restrictive.
During the Duma campaign, there seemed to be marked differences between Yabloko and SPS, over Chechnya and over support for Vladimir Putin. How are these differences to be resolved in the merger?
Mints argued that while Yabloko''s statements during the parliamentary campaign sounded very different from those of SPS, the real positions of the parties were very similar. For example, both supported the establishment of administrative control over Chechnya, followed by a negotiation process. Concerning negotiations, it was agreed that there were 2 real options: 1) Conduct negotiations with legitimately elected officials (however, Maskhadov was not legitimately elected according to the legislative laws of the Russian federation). The second problem with this was that there was a criminal case currently being brought against him for terrorist activities. 2) Direct dialogue between the administration in Moscow and the population in Chechnya. The SPS position was to establish the conditions that would support the creation of an administration within Chechnya that would be legitimately elected. While slogans touted by Yabloko were different, in fact its work in the Duma showed it to be in agreement with SPS, even on the issue of Chechnya.
While SPS and Yabloko have very similar platforms, Mints continued, SPS has been if anything the more politically active of the two. SPS people have been largely responsible for pushing Russia towards liberalization on issues of tax and budget reform," Mints argued. Among "our people," Mints listed Kudrin and Gref. SPS supports Putin''s administrative reform, and an SPS representative (Sergei Kiriyenko) was chosen to head the largest of the 7 new administrative regions. However, on some of Putin''s actions, SPS has voiced opposition quite vocally, as demonstrated by Chubais''s spearheading the protest effort in which leading Russian businessmen signed a petition against Gusinsky''s arrest. Mints stressed that there is a difference between identifying problems and proposing specific actions needed to address them. Apologizing for his immodesty, he suggested that SPS''s willingness and experience to act with concrete proposals was much greater than Yabloko''s.
Could you describe any of your organization''s concrete outreach programs?
The constituency of SPS largely consists of 18-44 year olds, according to Mints. The organization is concentrating its efforts on people under age 30. Specific programs include giving grants to students in higher learning institutions, coaching potential candidates, and programs for training young mayors (Human Resources of the 21st Century).
Could you please distinguish between the different strands of both SPS and Yabloko, neither of which is a completely unified organization as far as viewpoints are concerned?
Mints described the "human rights wing" of SPS as very strong, represented by Sergei Kovalyev, Yuli Rybakov, and the legacy of the late Galina Staravoitova. Nemtsov leads the "young" wing, a bloc that represents diverse viewpoints. On economic issues as well as issues of administrative reform, SPS members defer to their dominant bloc, former members of Democratic Choice and Common Cause. In Yabloko, Travkin and Yavlinsky represent two powerful figures with divergent opinions. Mints concluded by reiterating that no matter what opinions Yabloko representatives may voice in private on the issue of Chechnya, they all converge when it comes to their actual legislative positions.