South Asia

Stephen Walt explains why the withdrawal from Afghanistan has not been a strategic disaster for the United States.

Fredrik Logevall reviews THE AMERICAN WAR IN AFGHANISTAN: A History by Carter Malkasian and The AFGHANISTAN PAPERS: A Secret History of the War by Craig Whitlock.

Stephen Walt asks whether the United States is a good model for other liberal states and whether its policy judgments are ones that others should trust and follow, especially with respect to foreign policy.  He argues that—on balance—the answer to both questions is "no."

Joseph Nye offers four reasons why Americans would benefit from a Marshall Plan–like effort to immunize poor countries.

What sounded so simple during last year’s presidential campaign has turned out, like everything related to Iran, to be quite complicated.

The United States' present dysfunction—and the hyper-securitized physical apparatus in Washington—is the natural outgrowth of its reckless, militaristic conduct abroad, Stephen M. Walt writes.

Congress has issued a report on the longest war in U.S. history. Stephen Walt explains why he hopes President Biden ignores it.

President-elect Joe Biden’s decision to create a new cabinet-level position for climate-related issues — and to choose so prominent a figure as former Secretary of State John Kerry to fill it — demonstrates Biden’s sincerity over putting climate at the very center of U.S. foreign policy. It is easy to understate the importance of this appointment, given the flurry of czars created by most new administrations.

The United States has enjoyed decades-long military treaty alliances with Japan and Australia. The fact that India has joined to form the Quad, not as a formal ally but major strategic partner, is advantageous for Washington and its strategy to limit China’s military push for power in the region. The time has come for the U.S. and India to think more ambitiously about the future strategic partnership between the world’s two most important democracies. 

Despite the far-reaching effects of the current pandemic,  the essential nature of world politics will not be transformed. The territorial state will remain the basic building-block of international affairs, nationalism will remain a powerful political force, and the major powers will continue to compete for influence in myriad ways. Global institutions, transnational networks, and assorted non-state actors will still play important roles, of course, but the present crisis will not produce a dramatic and enduring increase in global governance or significantly higher levels of international cooperation. In short, the post-COVID-19 world will be less open, less free, less prosperous, and more competitive than the world many people expected to emerge only a few years ago.